Section
The design of the appointment of civil rulers, or of
the institution of civil government.
“For rulers are not a terror
to good works, but to the evil.” Verse 3.
This and the
subsequent section furnish us with the key to the entire passage. Had the
apostle merely enjoined subjection to civil authorities, as he does in the
terms of the first and second, adding no explanations, giving no clue to the
character of the power to which his injunction is designed to apply, it would
have been difficult, perhaps impossible, from the passage itself, to
have shown any limitations —we might have been compelled to resort mainly to
other Scriptures for light as to the duty really, after all, enjoined. We
might, indeed, have obtained some light from the term (
,) and
from the phrase (
:) we
could have evaded the advocate
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of “passive obedience and non-resistance,” but we would
almost have despaired of convincing him. But with the apostle’s own
explanations all is clear. He enjoins obedience, but he adds a reason drawn
from the character of the power, and so limits, most clearly and conclusively,
his own injunction: “for rulers are not a terror to
good works, but to the evil.”
1. Paul
here defines a government set up and engaged in attending to its appropriate
functions: “Rulers are not a terror,” &c. Hitherto, the subject
has been government —civil government as a divine institution. Here, for
the first time, we meet with a direct reference to magistrates actually
employed in administering the affairs of the commonwealth, including, of
course, legislators, judges, and executive officers. This change of phraseology
is not without design. It is clearly intended to establish a distinction —a
distinction existing in the very nature of the case between the institution
of government and governors themselves. The institution of government is to be
studied, governors are to be tried, or if the expression be more correct, the
entire character and operations of government, as it actually exists, urges its
claim upon the citizen and the Christian.
2. The
governors to whom the injunction of
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Paul applies “are not a terror
to good works.” To what does Paul here refer? to
what class of “works?” Does this phrase mean no more, as Tholuck explains it,
than such works as are the opposite of resistance and rebellion? Most certainly not. Such an interpretation puts an entirely
new meaning upon the phrase “good works,” and would, moreover, fix upon the apostle
the charge of expressing himself with an unaccountable obscurity and
meagerness. Does it mean such “works” as industry, honesty, and the orderly
discharge of common, social, and relative duties? No doubt these are included
in it. But even this is a very defective interpretation. There must be added,
at least, such things as come under the head of common morality. But we go
farther. Paul here speaks, not as a mere heathen philosopher, but as a
Christian minister, and an apostle of Christ. What then are “good works?” The
answer is clear. They are such as the law of Christ demands: they are all the
external results and fruits of the operations of the Spirit of Christ. Among
these, as already intimated, will be found all that is comprehended under the name
of morals; but they include much more —Sabbath sanctification, the public
profession of the name and truth of Christ —His worship, and efforts to advance
his
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kingdom and interest. Thus Ephesians 2: 10. “Created in Christ Jesus unto good works.” II
Timothy 3: 17. “That the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto
all good works.” I Timothy 3: 1. “He that desireth the office of a
bishop desireth a good work.” II Thessalonians 2: 17. “Stablish you in
every good work and work;” this good work being, in part, what is
referred to elsewhere in addressing the Thessalonian church, that from them
“the word of the Lord had sounded out.” Revelation 2: 26. “And he that
overcometh and keepeth my works unto the end, to him will I give power
over the nations;” and, finally, Revelation
It is not
denied that, in most of these passages and similar ones, works of morality are
meant; but in some, the immediate and only reference is to “works” peculiarly
denominated religious, and in no instance can these be excluded. How can we
imagine that Paul departed, in the passage before us, from the current meaning
which every Christian attaches to this phrase.* Now, to such
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* “For temporal princes —not to punish men for any works that are good in themselves (like those which the
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“works” magistrates —those
referred to by the apostle —will not be “a terror.” Against such as practice
these, he will enact no laws. And does not the principle already taught, that
magistracy is the “ordinance of God,” abundantly confirm this? It is, in fact,
a most serious error, and one that has led to many others, that God has ordained
any institution among men, or sanctions any, in which the promotion of his
glory as the Supreme Law-giver, and the alone object of worship and religious
homage, is not a chief end. “The Lord hath made all things for himself,”
Job
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Christian religion enjoin towards God and man,”) &c. Guyse in loco.
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character. And finally, God himself gave a government to his
own chosen Israel, and in defining its powers and functions, leaves no doubt
that all the “good works” to which this government was not to be “a terror,”
were works such as have been specified above as those, in part, intended by
Paul. In short, there is every reason —the phrase itself— the ends of the
institution of government — its history and the direct teachings of the Most
High in the institutes given to Israel — to believe that among the works here meant
are those that come under the head of religion —religion in its exterior
manifestations.
Now, to
such, “rulers are not a terror.” Such rulers as Paul refers to will so
legislate, so judge, so apply law, as that not only the upright and peaceable,
but the fearers of God and the servants of Christ, will be subject to no
hindrance, exposed to no danger from the civil arm, in their Christian
profession and efforts: such rulers will so act as that Christ may be preached,
his law defended, his authority maintained, his church propagated, without fear
of offending “the powers that be.”
3. These
rulers use their powers for the restraint of evil —“but a ‘terror to the
evil.’” To ascertain the import of the term “evil,” we have only to
institute a contrast between this clause and the
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preceding. “Good works” as such works as are appropriate to the
honest, peaceable and moral. Of course, “evil works” are such as dishonesty,
turbulence, theft, and all gross departures from morality. “Good works” are
such as honor Christ, the Sabbath, the Scriptures, and the name and supreme
dignity of a Three-one God. “Evil” works are such as are adverse to all these
—blasphemy, profanity, idolatry, and Sabbath violation. Can it be possible that
an inspired apostle could use this term in any narrower sense, particularly in
defining a divine ordinance?
To all
these the rulers here meant are for a “terror.” They enact such laws, and so
administer these enactments, as that all disorder, vice, and open disregard to
God and religion may be discountenanced, and, when circumstances demand this,
restrained.
Here,
again, we may appeal to collateral sources of argument, to the uniform
testimony of the Word of God, and to the examples of all enlightened nations.
To the former we need only refer. From the patriarchal ages onward until the
cannon of Old Testament revelation —none can doubt that divinely approved civil
governments, and acts of civil rulers, are of this character —a “terror to evil
works;” and in the New, so far as this aspect of national
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institutions is referred to, we have but the continuation of the
same teachings. “The law,” says Paul —meaning, in part, at least, the law of
God as established among the Jews— “is not made for a righteous man, but for
the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners,” &c.; and “if
there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine.” (Timothy 1: 9,
10) Nor has any Christian nation found itself able fully to reduce to practice
any other theory. In words, many do, indeed, deny that acts injurious to
morality even, and more, that acts hurtful to religion, can rightfully become
subjects of cognizance by the magistrate; but just so far as Christian
principle has made itself felt, either directly or by tradition, among any
people, have they been obliged to conform to the apostle’s definition; very
defectively it is true, in most instances, but still sufficiently to show that
Christian sense and a regard for the general welfare of society, will not be
satisfied without some acknowledgement of the principle. Hence, the laws by
which the Sabbath is guarded —laws against shameful vices —laws against
blasphemy and profanity — or to present the same fact in a more general and
more striking form, where is the government that would think itself justifiable
in guarding against the spread of acknowledged moral good, as they do of moral
evil?
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Nor does
it weaken the force of our argument, drawn from the practice of nations, that the
legislation to which we have referred is affirmed to be only an indirect way of
answering what some call the only end of civil rule —the preservation of peace
and of property. At all events, it is admitted to be necessary: and if
necessary, there can be no question whatever that this sort of governmental
action was contemplated in the institution itself. So far as our present
purpose is concerned, this is enough; for Paul, certainly, did not intend to
omit, in his definition of the function of rulers, a class of acts without
which they cannot carry on a permanently wholesome administration of affairs.
On every
ground, then, we maintain that Paul designs, in these phrases, to furnish us
with a summary, but very comprehensive, view of the official character of such
rulers as may lawfully claim our conscientious allegiance and subjection. They
are such as render themselves “a terror” not to “good works,” in any sound
sense, but “to the evil” in every sense in which outward acts are so. Such are the “powers” whom “God has ordained;” such
he owns as his “ministers;” the resistance offered to these offends him. All
this we will find amply confirmed by the Apostle himself when he proceeds,
immediately, to apply the
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general statement to the different classes of citizens in the
State, to the good and the bad.*
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* Inferences will be deduced from this section, in connection with those of the subsequent section.
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